Thomas Paine
(1792)
THE RIGHTS OF MAN
PART THE FIRST
BEING AN ANSWER TO MR. BURKE'S ATTACK ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
George Washington
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
SIR,
I present you a small treatise in defence of those principles of
freedom which your exemplary virtue hath so eminently contributed
to establish. That the Rights of Man may become as universal as
your benevolence can wish, and that you may enjoy the happiness
of seeing the New World regenerate the Old, is the prayer of
SIR,
Your much obliged, and Obedient humble Servant,
THOMAS PAINE
The Author's Preface to the English Edition
From the part Mr. Burke took in the American Revolution, it was
natural that I should consider him a friend to mankind; and as
our acquaintance commenced on that ground, it would have been
more agreeable to me to have had cause to continue in that
opinion than to change it.
At the time Mr. Burke made his violent speech last winter in the
English Parliament against the French Revolution and the National
Assembly, I was in Paris, and had written to him but a short time
before to inform him how prosperously matters were going on. Soon
after this I saw his advertisement of the Pamphlet he intended to
publish: As the attack was to be made in a language but little
studied, and less understood in France, and as everything suffers
by translation, I promised some of the friends of the Revolution
in that country that whenever Mr. Burke's Pamphlet came forth, I
would answer it. This appeared to me the more necessary to be
done, when I saw the flagrant misrepresentations which Mr.
Burke's Pamphlet contains; and that while it is an outrageous
abuse on the French Revolution, and the principles of Liberty, it
is an imposition on the rest of the world.
I am the more astonished and disappointed at this conduct in Mr.
Burke, as (from the circumstances I am going to mention) I had
formed other expectations.
I had seen enough of the miseries of war, to wish it might never
more have existence in the world, and that some other mode might
be found out to settle the differences that should occasionally
arise in the neighbourhood of nations. This certainly might be
done if Courts were disposed to set honesty about it, or if
countries were enlightened enough not to be made the dupes of
Courts. The people of America had been bred up in the same
prejudices against France, which at that time characterised the
people of England; but experience and an acquaintance with the
French Nation have most effectually shown to the Americans the
falsehood of those prejudices; and I do not believe that a more
cordial and confidential intercourse exists between any two
countries than between America and France.
When I came to France, in the spring of 1787, the Archbishop of
Thoulouse was then Minister, and at that time highly esteemed. I
became much acquainted with the private Secretary of that
Minister, a man of an enlarged benevolent heart; and found that
his sentiments and my own perfectly agreed with respect to the
madness of war, and the wretched impolicy of two nations, like
England and France, continually worrying each other, to no other
end than that of a mutual increase of burdens and taxes. That I
might be assured I had not misunderstood him, nor he me, I put
the substance of our opinions into writing and sent it to him;
subjoining a request, that if I should see among the people of
England, any disposition to cultivate a better understanding
between the two nations than had hitherto prevailed, how far I
might be authorised to say that the same disposition prevailed on
the part of France? He answered me by letter in the most
unreserved manner, and that not for himself only, but for the
Minister, with whose knowledge the letter was declared to be
written.
I put this letter into the, hands of Mr. Burke almost three years
ago, and left it with him, where it still remains; hoping, and at
the same time naturally expecting, from the opinion I had
conceived of him, that he would find some opportunity of making
good use of it, for the purpose of removing those errors and
prejudices which two neighbouring nations, from the want of
knowing each other, had entertained, to the injury of both.
When the French Revolution broke out, it certainly afforded to
Mr. Burke an opportunity of doing some good, had he been disposed
to it; instead of which, no sooner did he see the old prejudices
wearing away, than he immediately began sowing the seeds of a new
inveteracy, as if he were afraid that England and France would
cease to be enemies. That there are men in all countries who get
their living by war, and by keeping up the quarrels of Nations,
is as shocking as it is true; but when those who are concerned in
the government of a country, make it their study to sow discord
and cultivate prejudices between Nations, it becomes the more
unpardonable.
With respect to a paragraph in this work alluding to Mr. Burke's
having a pension, the report has been some time in circulation,
at least two months; and as a person is often the last to hear
what concerns him the most to know, I have mentioned it, that Mr.
Burke may have an opportunity of contradicting the rumour, if he
thinks proper.
THOMAS PAINE
FRENCH EDITION
The Author's Preface to the French Edition
The astonishment which the French Revolution has caused
throughout Europe should be considered from two different points
of view: first as it affects foreign peoples, secondly as it
affects their governments.
The cause of the French people is that of all Europe, or rather
of the whole world; but the governments of all those countries
are by no means favorable to it. It is important that we should
never lose sight of this distinction. We must not confuse the
peoples with their governments; especially not the English people
with its government.
The government of England is no friend of the revolution of
France. Of this we have sufficient proofs in the thanks given by
that weak and witless person, the Elector of Hanover, sometimes
called the King of England, to Mr. Burke for the insults heaped
on it in his book, and in the malevolent comments of the English
Minister, Pitt, in his speeches in Parliament.
In spite of the professions of sincerest friendship found in the
official correspondence of the English government with that of
France, its conduct gives the lie to all its declarations, and
shows us clearly that it is not a court to be trusted, but an
insane court, plunging in all the quarrels and intrigues of
Europe, in quest of a war to satisfy its folly and countenance
its extravagance.
The English nation, on the contrary, is very favorably disposed
towards the French Revolution, and to the progress of liberty in
the whole world; and this feeling will become more general in
England as the intrigues and artifices of its government are
better known, and the principles of the revolution better
understood. The French should know that most English newspapers
are directly in the pay of government, or, if indirectly
connected with it, always under its orders; and that those papers
constantly plain coat, ought for A revolution in France in order
to deceive the nation. But, as it is impossible long to prevent
the prevalence of truth, the daily falsehoods of those papers no
longer have the desired effect.
To be convinced that the voice of truth has been stifled in
England, the world needs only to be told that the government
regards and prosecutes as a libel that which it should
protect.*[1] This outrage on morality is called law, and judges
are found wicked enough to inflict penalties on truth.
The English government presents, just now, a curious phenomenon.
Seeing that the French and English nations are getting rid of the
prejudices and false notions formerly entertained against each
other, and which have cost them so much money, that government
seems to be placarding its need of a foe; for unless it finds one
somewhere, no pretext exists for the enormous revenue and
taxation now deemed necessary.
Therefore it seeks in Russia the enemy it has lost in France, and
appears to say to the universe, or to say to itself. "If nobody
will be so kind as to become my foe, I shall need no more fleets
nor armies, and shall be forced to reduce my taxes. The American
war enabled me to double the taxes; the Dutch business to add
more; the Nootka humbug gave me a pretext for raising three
millions sterling more; but unless I can make an enemy of Russia
the harvest from wars will end. I ...
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Go to the beginning of the document
Go to previous page
Go to next page
Go to the end of document
