Vladimir Lenin
Class Collaboration With Capital,
or Class Struggle Against Capital?
That is how history puts the issue-and not history in general, but the economic
and political history of the Russia of today.
The Narodniks and Mensheviks, Chernov and Tsereteli, have transferred the
Contact Commission from the room adjacent to the one the ministers used to meet
in to the ministerial chamber itself. This, and this alone, is the purely
political significance of the "new" cabinet.
Its economic and class significance is that, at the best (from the point of view
of the stability of the cabinet and the preservation of capitalist domination),
the leadership of the peasant bourgeoisie, headed since 1906 by Peshekhonov, and
the petty-bourgeois "leaders" of the Menshevist workers have promtsed the
capitalists their class collaboration. (At the worst-for the capitalists-the
whole change has a purely personal or clique significance, but no class
significance at all.)
Let us assume that the more favourable eventuality is the case. Even so, there
is not a shadow of doubt that the promisers will be unable to fulfil their
promises. "We shall- in co-operation with the capitalists-help the country out
of Its crisis, save it from ruin and get it out of the war"-that is what the
action of the petty-bourgeois leaders, the Chernovs and Tseretelis, in joining
the cabinet really amounts to. Our answer is: Your help is not enough. The
crisis has advanced infinitely farther than you imagine only the revolutionary
class, by taking revolutionary measures against capital, can save the
country-and not our country alone.
The crisis is so profound, so widespread, of such vast world-wide scope, and so
closely bound up with Capital itself, that the class struggle against Capital
must inevitably assume the form of political supremacy by the proletariat and
semi-proletariat. There is no other way out.
You want to have revolutionary enthusiasm in the army, Citizens Chernov and
Tsereteli? But you cannot create it, because the revolutionary enthusiasm of the
masses is not begotten by a change of 'leaders" in cabinets, by florid
declarations, or by promises to take steps to revise the treaty with the British
capitalists; it can be aroused only by acts of revolutionary policy patent to
all and undertaken daily and everywhere against almighty Capital and against its
making profits out of the war, a policy that will make for a radical improvement
in the standard of living of the mass of the poor.
Even if you were to hand over all the land to the people immediately, this would
not end the crisis unless revolutionary measures were taken against Capital.
You want an offensive, Citizens Chernov and Tsereteli? But you cannot rouse the
army to an offensive, because you cannot use force against the people today. And
unless force is used against them the people would undertake an offensive only
in the great interests of the great revolution against Capital in all countries;
and not merely a revolution promised and proclaimed, but a revolution actually
in process of realisation, a revolution which is being carried out in actual
fact, and is tangible to all.
You want to organise supply, Citizens Peshekhonovs and Skobelevs, the supply of
goods for the peasants, of bread and meat for the army, of raw material for
industry, and so forth? You want control over, and partly even the, organisation
of, production?
You cannot do this without the revolutionary enthusiasm of the proletarian and
semi-proletarian mass. This enthusiasm can be aroused only by taking
revolutionary measures against the privileges and profits of Capital. Failing
this, your promised control will remain a dead, capitalist, bureaucratic
palliative.
The experiment at class collaboration with Capital is now being made by the
Chernovs and Tseretelis, and by certain sections of the petty bourgeoisie, on a
new, gigantic, all- Russia scale.
All the more valuable will be its lessons for the people, when the latter become
convinced-and that apparently will be soon-of the futility and hopelessness of
such collaboration.
Written: ~ 6 May, 1917
First Published: Pravda No. 50, May 6 (19), 1917
Transcription/Markup: Brian Basgen and David Walters
Online Version: Lenin Internet Archive (marxists.org) 1999
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