Vladimir Lenin
Political Parties in Russia and
The Tasks of the Proletariat
Written: Begining of April, 1917
First Published: April 23, 26, 27, 1917, in Volna Nos. 20, 22, and 23 [1]
Online Version: marxists.org 1999
1) What are the chief political party groupings in Russia?
2) What classes do these parties represent? What class standpoint do they
express?
3) What is their attitude towards Socialism?
4) What form of government do they want at present?
5) What is their attitude towards restoration of the Romanov Monarchy?
6) What is their attitude towards the seizure of power? What do they regard as
order, and what as anarchy?
7) Should the provisional government be supported?
8) For undivided power or dual power?
9) Should a constituent assembly be convened?
10) Does the state need the usual type of police and a standing army?
11) Does the state need a bureaucracy of the usual type?
12) Should officers be elected by the soldiers?
13) Is it desirable for the soldiers, on their own decision, to displace their
superiors?
14) For or against the present war?
15) For or against the predatory international treaties between the Tsar, Great
Britain, France, etc. (for the subjugation of Persia,the partition of China,
Turkey, Austria. etc.)?
16) For or against annexattons?
17) For or against the liberty loan?
18) For or against the capitalist governments ascertaining the peoples' will to
peace?
19) Must all monarchies be abolished?
20) Shall the peasants take all the landed estates immediately?
21) Can we leave land disposal and all rural affairs in the hands of the soviets
of peasants' deputies alone?
22) Shall the people take over the largest and most powerful capitalist
monopolies, the banks, the syndicates of manufacturers. etc.?
23) What kind of socialist international implementing a fraternal union of the
workers of all countries do the peoples now need?
24) Should fraternisation at the front between soldiers of the belligerent
countries be encouraged?
25) What colour banner would be in character with the various political parties?
Preface
This pamphlet was written at the beginning of April 1917, before the coalition
cabinet was formed. Since then much water has flown under the bridge, but the
principal characteristics of the major political parties have held true in the
course of all subsequent stages of the revolution -- both during the coalition
cabinet, which came into being on May 6, 1917, during the union between the
Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries in June (and July) 1917 against the
Bolsheviks, during the Kornilov events, and during the October Revolution of
1917 and after it.
The correctness of the characteristic given to the principal parties and their
class foundations has been borne out by the whole course of the Russian
revolution. Today the prog ress of the revolution in Western Europe shows that
there, too, the line-up of the principal parties is the same. The role of
Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries is being played by the
social-chauvinists of all countries (socialists in word and chauvinists in deed)
as well as by the Kautsky ites in Germany, the Longuetists in France, and so on.
N. Lenin
Moscow, October 22, 1918
The following is an attempt to formulate, first, the more important and then the
less important questions and answers characterising the present political
situation in Russia and the way it is understood by the various parties.
Questions:
1) What are the chief political party groupings in Russia?
Answers:
A. (to the right of the C.D.). Parties and groups to the right of the
Constitutional-Democrats.
B. (G.D.). The Constitutional-Democratic Party (Cadets, or the people's freedom
party) and kindred groups.
C. (S.D. and S.R.). The Social-Democrats, the Socialist- Revolutionaries and
kindred groups.
D. ("Bolsheviks"). The party which properly should be called the Communist
Party, but which at present is named the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party
united under the Central Committee or, popularly, the "Bolsheviks".
2) What classes do these parties represent? What class standpoint do they
express?
A. (to the right of the C.D.). The feudalist landowners and the most backward
sections of the bourgeoisie (Capitalists).
B. (G.D.). The bourgeoisie as a whole, that is, the capi talist class, and the
landowners who have become bourgeois, i.e., who have become capitalists.
C. (S.D. and S.R.). Small proprietors, small and middle peasants, the petty
bourgeoisie, and that section of the workers which has come under the influence
of the bourgeoisie.
D. ("Bolsheviks"). Class-conscious proletarians, wage- workers and the poor
peasantry (semi-proletarians) standing close to them.
3) What is their attitude towards Socialism?
A. (to the right of the C.D.) and B. (G.D.). Decidedly hostile, since it
threatens the profits of the capitalists and landowners.
C. (S.D. and S.R.). For socialism, but it is too early to think of it or to take
any immediate practical steps for its realisation.
D. ("Bolsheviks"). For socialism. The Soviets must immediately take all possible
practicable steps for its realisation. [*1]
4) What form of government do they want at present?
A. (to the right of the C.D.). A constitutional monarchy, the absolute power of
the bureaucracy and the police.
B. (G.D.). A bourgeois parliamentary republic, i.e., the consolidation of the
rule of the capitalists, while retain ing the old bureaucracy and the police.
C. (S.D. and S.R.). A bourgeois parliamentary republic, with reforms for the
workers and peasants.
D. ("Bolsheviks"). A republic of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', Peasants', and
other Deputies. Abolition of the standing army and the police, who are to be
replaced by the arming of the whole people; officials to be not only elective,
but also displaceable; their pay not to exceed that of a competent worker.
5) What is their attitude towards restoration of the Romanov Monarchy?
A. (to the right of the C.D.). They are for it, but act covertly and cautiously,
for they are afraid of the people
B. (C.D.). When the Guchkovs seemed to be a power, the Cadets were for putting a
brother or the son of Nicholas on the throne; but when the people began to seem
a power, the Cadets became anti-monarchist.
C. (S.D. and SR.) and D. ("Bolsheviks"). Decidedly opposed to restoration of the
monarchy in any form.
6) What is their attitude towards the seizure of power? What do they regard as
order, and what as anarchy?
A. (to the right of the C.D.). If a tsar or some gallant general seizes power,
that is God-given, that is order. All else is anarchy.
B. (C.D.). If the capitalists seize power, even by force, that is order; to
seize power against the capitalists would be anarchy.
C. (S.D. and S.R.). If the Soviets alone seize all the power, that means a
threat of anarchy. Let the capitalists keep the power for the time being, and
the Soviets keep the "Contact Commission"."
D. ("Bolsheviks"). All power must be in the hands of the Soviets of Workers',
Soldiers', Peasants', Agricultural La bourers and other Deputies. All
propaganda, agitation and the organisation of the millions must immediately be
directed towards this end. [*2]
7) Should the provisional government be supported?
A. (to the right of the C.D.) and B. (C.D.). Unquestionably, since it is the
only government capable at this moment of safeguarding the interests of the
capitalists.
C. (S.D. and S.R.). It should, but on condition that it carries out its
agreement with the Soviet and attends the meetings of the Contact Commission.
D. ("Bolsheviks"). No; let the capitalists support it. Our job is to prepare the
people for full and undivided power wielded by the Soviets.
8) For undivided power or dual power?
A. (to the right of the C.D.) and B. (C.D.). For the undivided power of the
capitalists and landowners.
C. (S. D. and S. R.). For dual power. The Soviets to exercise "control" over the
Provisional Government. It is bad to reflect whether control can be effective
without power.
D. ("Bolsheviks"). For the undivided power of the Soviets from the bottom up all
over the country.
9) Should a constituent assembly be convened?
A. (to the right of the C.D.). No, for it might prejudice the landowners. You
never know -- the peasants in the Constituent Assembly may decide that the
landowners ought to have their estates taken away from them.
B. (C.D.). Yes, but without fixing a date. As much time as possible should be
spent consulting professors of law; first, because, as Bebel said, jurists are
the most reactionary people in the world; and, second, because the experience of
all revolutions has shown that the cause of popular freedom is lost 'when it is
entrusted to professors.
C. (S.D. and S.R.). Yes, and as quickly as possible. A date must be fixed; we
have already said so two hundred times at ...
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Go to the beginning of the document
Go to previous page
Go to next page
Go to the end of document
