The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians
By Xenophon
Translation by H. G. Dakyns
Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a
pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans,
and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land
and property in Scillus, where he lived for many
years before having to move once more, to settle
in Corinth. He died in 354 B.C.
The Polity of the Lacedaemonians talks about the
laws and institutions created by Lycurgus, which
train and develop Spartan citizens from birth to
old age.
PREPARER''S NOTE
This was typed from Dakyns'' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a
four-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon''s works (though
there is doubt about some of these) is:
Work Number of books
The Anabasis 7
The Hellenica 7
The Cyropaedia 8
The Memorabilia 4
The Symposium 1
The Economist 1
On Horsemanship 1
The Sportsman 1
The Cavalry General 1
The Apology 1
On Revenues 1
The Hiero 1
The Agesilaus 1
The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 2
Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into
English using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The
diacritical marks have been lost.
Etext prepared by John Bickers, jbickers@templar.actrix.gen.nz.
The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians
by Xenophon
Translation by H. G. Dakyns
The Polity of the Lacedaemonians talks about the
laws and institutions created by Lycurgus, which
train and develop Spartan citizens from birth to
old age.
THE POLITY OF THE ATHENIANS
I
Now, as concerning the Polity of the Athenians,[1] and the type or
manner of constitution which they have chosen,[2] I praise it not, in
so far as the very choice involves the welfare of the baser folk as
opposed to that of the better class. I repeat, I withhold my praise so
far; but, given the fact that this is the type agreed upon, I propose
to show that they set about its preservation in the right way; and
that those other transactions in connection with it, which are looked
upon as blunders by the rest of the Hellenic world, are the reverse.
[1] See Grote, "H. G." vi. p. 47 foll.; Thuc. i. 76, 77; viii. 48;
Boeckh, "P. E. A." passim; Hartman, "An. Xen. N." cap. viii.;
Roquette, "Xen. Vit." S. 26; Newman, "Pol. Arist." i. 538; and
"Xenophontis qui fertur libellus de Republica Atheniensium," ed.
A. Kirchhoff (MDCCCLXXIV), whose text I have chiefly followed.
[2] Lit. "I do not praise their choice of the (particular) type, in so
far as . . ."
In the first place, I maintain, it is only just that the poorer
classes[3] and the People of Athens should be better off than the men
of birth and wealth, seeing that it is the people who man the
fleet,[4] and put round the city her girdle of power. The
steersman,[5] the boatswain, the lieutenant,[6] the look-out-man at
the prow, the shipright--these are the people who engird the city with
power far rather than her heavy infantry[7] and men of birth of
quality. This being the case, it seems only just that offices of state
should be thrown open to every one both in the ballot[8] and the show
of hands, and that the right of speech should belong to any one who
likes, without restriction. For, observe,[9] there are many of these
offices which, according as they are in good or in bad hands, are a
source of safety or of danger to the People, and in these the People
prudently abstains from sharing; as, for instance, it does not think
it incumbent on itself to share in the functions of the general or of
the commander of cavalry.[10] The sovereign People recognises the fact
that in forgoing the personal exercise of these offices, and leaving
them to the control of the more powerful[11] citizens, it secures the
balance of advantage to itself. It is only those departments of
government which bring emolument[12] and assist the private estate
that the People cares to keep in its own hands.
[3] Cf. "Mem." I. ii. 58 foll.
[4] Lit. "ply the oar and propel the galleys."
[5] See "Econ." viii. 14; Pollux, i. 96; Arist. "Knights," 543 foll.;
Plat. "Laws," v. 707 A; Jowett, "Plat." v. 278 foll.; Boeckh, "P.
E. A." bk. ii. ch. xxi.
[6] Lit. "pentecontarch;" see Dem. "In Pol." 1212.
[7] Aristot. "Pol." vi. 7; Jowett, "The Politics of Aristotle," vol.
i. p. 109.
[8] {klerotoi}, {airetoi}.
[9] Reading with Kirchhoff, {epeo tou}, or if {epeita}, "in the next
place."
[10] Hipparch.
[11] Cf. "Hipparch." i. 9; "Econ." ii. 8.
[12] E.g. the {dikasteria}.
In the next place, in regard to what some people are puzzled to
explain--the fact that everywhere greater consideration is shown to
the base, to poor people and to common folk, than to persons of good
quality--so far from being a matter of surprise, this, as can be
shown, is the keystone of the preservation of the democracy. It is
these poor people, this common folk, this riff-raff,[13] whose
prosperity, combined with the growth of their numbers, enhances the
democracy. Whereas, a shifting of fortune to the advantage of the
wealthy and the better classes implies the establishment on the part
of the commonalty of a strong power in opposition to itself. In fact,
all the world over, the cream of society is in opposition to the
democracy. Naturally, since the smallest amount of intemperance and
injustice, together with the highest scrupulousness in the pursuit of
excellence, is to be found in the ranks of the better class, while
within the ranks of the People will be found the greatest amount of
ignorance, disorderliness, rascality--poverty acting as a stronger
incentive to base conduct, not to speak of lack of education and
ignorance, traceable to the lack of means which afflicts the average
of mankind.[14]
[13] Or, "these inferiors," "these good-for-nothings."
[14] Or, "some of these folk." The passage is corrupt.
The objection may be raised that it was a mistake to allow the
universal right of speech[15] and a seat in council. These should have
been reserved for the cleverest, the flower of the community. But
here, again, it will be found that they are acting with wise
deliberation in granting to[16] even the baser sort the right of
speech, for supposing only the better people might speak, or sit in
council, blessings would fall to the lot of those like themselves, but
to the commonalty the reverse of blessings. Whereas now, any one who
likes, any base fellow, may get up and discover something to the
advantage of himself and his equals. It may be retorted: "And what
sort of advantage either for himself or for the People can such a
fellow be expected to hit upon?" The answer to which is, that in their
judgment the ignorance and baseness of this fellow, together with his
goodwill, are worth a great deal more to them than your superior
person''s virtue and wisdom, coupled with animosity. What it comes to,
therefore, is that a state founded upon such institutions will not be
the best state;[17] but, given a democracy, these are the right means
to procure its preservation. The People, it must be borne in mind,
does not demand that the city should be well governed and itself a
slave. It desires to be free and to be master.[18] As to bad
legislation it does not concern itself about that.[19] In fact, what
you believe to be bad legislation is the very source of the People''s
strength and freedom. But if you seek for good legislation, in the
first place you will see the cleverest members of the community laying
down the laws for the rest. And in the next place, the better class
will curb and chastise the lower orders; the better class will
deliberate in behalf of the state, and not suffer crack-brained
fellows to sit in council, or to speak or vote in Parliament.[20] No
doubt; but under the weight of such blessings the People will in a
very short time be reduced to slavery.
[15] Lit. "everybody to speak in turn."
[16] Or, "it is a counsel of perfection on their part to grant to,"
etc.
[17] Or, "the ideal state."
[18] Or, "and to govern and hold office."
[19] Or, "it will take the risk of that."
[20] See Grote, "H. G." v. p. 510 note.
Another point is the extraordinary amount of license[21] granted to
slaves and resident aliens at Athens, where a blow is illegal, and a
slave will not step aside to let you pass him in the street. I will
explain the reason of this peculiar custom. Supposing it were legal
for a slave to be beaten by a free citizen, ...
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